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Beyond oil: Niger Delta attracts new investments for economic growth and development

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Niger Delta

Niger Delta Summit in Port Harcourt targets $5bn investment and 500,000 jobs through diversification and innovation

By Ehi Braimah

In the mangrove-fringed creeks and bustling markets of the Niger Delta, the scent of crude oil has long defined daily life. 

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Also read: Nigerian Banks Drive Strong Growth After Bold Recapitalisation Boost

For decades, the region’s nine states – Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo, Imo, Ondo, Rivers, and Abia – have powered Nigeria’s economy through vast hydrocarbon reserves.

Yet for many residents, that black gold has delivered more curses than blessings: environmental degradation from oil spills, youth unemployment fueling unrest, and a sense of abandonment amid federal wealth that rarely trickled down. 

Families in fishing villages watched their waters turn toxic; young graduates in Port Harcourt scanned job boards dominated by oil multinationals, only to face cycles of militancy and amnesty programmes that offered temporary relief but little lasting dignity.

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Now, a quiet but determined shift is underway. 

Local business leaders are rewriting the script, betting that the Niger Delta region’s true wealth lies not just in its subsoil but in its people, rivers, farmland, and untapped entrepreneurial spirit. 

At the heart of this pivot is the maiden Niger Delta Economic and Investment Summit (NDEIS), scheduled for May 19 – 21, 2026, in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, with the theme: Driving investment, innovation, and industrial growth in the Niger Delta.

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Organised by the Niger Delta Chamber of Commerce, Industry, Trade, Mines and Agriculture (NDCCITMA), the event carries an audacious goal: catalysing up to five billion dollars in structured investments over the next five years and creating more than 500,000 direct and indirect jobs.

Ambassador Idaere Gogo-Ogan, NDCCITMA chairman, framed the ambition plainly during a pre-summit media briefing in March 2026. “The region is ready to deliver 500,000 new jobs, inclusive of investment drive and wealth creation,” he said, describing the summit as a platform to deliberate on “investment mobilisation, enterprise growth, industrial expansion, and regional coordination.” 

President Bola Tinubu is expected as special guest of honour, with Barbados Prime Minister Mia Amor Mottley delivering the keynote, an intriguing nod to lessons from small-island economies that have thrived through diversification and resilience.

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Dr. Solomon Edebiri, NDCCITMA secretary and local organising committee chairman, struck a note of pragmatic optimism. The summit, he explained, is “a strategic initiative designed to reposition the Niger Delta as a competitive hub for investment, enterprise development, and sustainable industrialisation.” While the world knows the Delta for oil and gas, its real legacy, he argued, rests on “a wealth of diverse and largely untapped opportunities” that the gathering aims to unlock.

Those opportunities are starting to crystalise. 

Discussions at the summit and related roundtables point to concrete sectors beyond crude: agriculture and agro-processing to leverage the region’s fertile soils and waterways; manufacturing and logistics to turn Port Harcourt and Warri into industrial nerve centers; blue economy initiatives harnessing fisheries, shipping, and coastal tourism; energy transition projects that optimise the existing oil-and-gas value chain (a shift toward renewable energy), and small-and-medium-enterprises (SME) scaling that could empower local entrepreneurs. 

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Recent analyses echo this vision, highlighting how five billion dollars in inflows could reshape the economy by reducing oil dependency and channeling capital into youth-driven ventures in farming, light manufacturing, and services.

The Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) has thrown its weight behind the effort, signaling institutional buy-in for broader regional plans. 

Chairman Chiedu Ebie and Managing Director/CEO Samuel Ogbuku have championed infrastructure upgrades, skills programmes, and sustainable projects that align with the summit’s goals – efforts that extend beyond flashy announcements to the gritty work of roads, power, and training centres that make investment viable on the ground.

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This local momentum dovetails with a national story of cautious investor re-engagement. 

Despite persistent security challenges, rankings on global terrorism indices, sporadic attacks in the northeast, and lingering instability in parts of the north-central zone, foreign and domestic capital is showing renewed interest in Nigeria, and the Niger Delta Chamber of Commerce, Industry, Trade, Mines and Agriculture is poised to announce the region to the world as a land full of opportunities for investors. 

While speaking on a recent Sunrise Daily broadcast on Channels TV, I pointed to President Tinubu’s UK visit last month and a high-level investment forum hosted by the Central Bank of Nigeria alongside the UK’s Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office. 

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Reforms such as exchange-rate unification, fuel-subsidy removal, and strengthened banking capital requirements have begun to stabilise macroeconomic indicators and rebuild confidence. 

I noted that 28 percent of recent capital inflows came from foreign investors, with 34 banks meeting the new CBN recapitalisation thresholds.

For the Niger Delta, the development agenda feels personal. During the interview, I specifically praised the region’s push to mobilise local capital and foster self-reliant growth, urging the six regional development commissions to adopt their template.

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The message is clear: reducing dependence on federal allocations and oil rents is no longer optional, it is the path to dignity and sustainable development.

Yet nuance demands caution. Skeptics will recall past summits, master plans, and billions pledged that evaporated into reports and photo-ops.

 Youth unemployment remains painfully high; environmental remediation lags; and trust between communities, government, and investors is still fragile. 

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Roadshows across the Delta states, Abuja, and Lagos at some point will definitely amplify the mission, thereby turning ideas into bankable projects, but execution will test whether discipline and speed can match the ambition. As Edebiri emphasised, the shift from “ambition to implementation” is everything.

Still, the human stakes are unmistakable. 

Picture a young woman in Yenagoa who once saw her family’s fishing nets come up empty because of pollution; today she eyes training in aquaculture under blue-economy initiatives.

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Or the engineering graduate in Uyo who once joined restive groups out of frustration but now dreams of a manufacturing startup backed by summit-linked investors. 

These are not abstract statistics – they are the 500,000 jobs, lives that could move from survival to aspiration if the pieces align.

As Port Harcourt prepares to host investors, business leaders, CEOs, development finance executives, members of the diplomatic community, heads of MDAs, young innovators, exhibitors, media practitioners, policy analysts, changemakers, and members of business membership organisations, the Niger Delta stands at a crossroad. 

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The oil rigs will not disappear overnight, but value-chain optimisation remains part of the transition. Indeed, the narrative is broadening. 

What was once dismissed as a region of perpetual crisis is quietly positioning itself as a diversified engine of national economic growth, rooted in agriculture, innovation, and human capital rather than a single extractive resource.

The world is watching. The Niger Delta is home to over 30 million people and the economic engine of Nigeria.

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It contributes more than 90 percent of Nigeria’s oil revenue, and holds the vast majority of the nation’s gas reserves. Even with the immense natural wealth, the region remains economically underserved.

NDCCITMA was established with a mandate to facilitate rapid, even and sustainable development of the Niger Delta into a region that is economically prosperous, socially stable, ecologically regenerative, and politically peaceful.

The chamber serves as the private sector implementation arm of the region’s development strategy to attract investment, marking a critical pivot from aid-based development to enterprise-driven growth.

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If the summit delivers even a fraction of its promise, the creeks that were once a major security flashpoint, may yet sparkle with a new possibility of attracting investors from around the world for the Niger Delta people and Nigeria.

Also read: Nigerian Banks Drive Strong Growth After Bold Recapitalisation Boost

Clearly, the journey beyond oil has begun which marks a new dawn of development for the region.

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Opinion

Interrogating Tinubu’s recurring absence at the UN General Assembly…

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Tinubu

By Bola BOLAWOLE,

 

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President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s decision to skip the ongoing 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly, the third such abstention in a row, has raised eyebrows and sparked speculations.

Also read: Enugu Gov Names Anunobi, Okonkwo as Aides

Expectedly, opposition politicians have wasted no time in feasting on the official announcement that the vice-president, Kashim Shettima, will, once again, stand in for the president.

This trumps an earlier announcement by Jimoh Ibrahim, the country’s Ambassador to the United States/Permanent Representative to the United Nations, that not only would the president attend the annual meeting of world leaders at the UN headquarters in New York, USA, but that a vantage position had been secured for him to sit very close to the maverick United States’ president, Donald Trump!

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Since he assumed the country’s leadership in 2023, Tinubu has yet to attend a single UNGA meeting; so also has he yet to pay either official or private visit to the United States despite that he has reportedly embarked, so far, on 52 foreign trips. He has visited at least 30 different countries across Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Americas, spending approximately 261 days.

As we speak, the president is out of the country on holidays, first to the UK after which he is expected in France. So, is there anything that aileth Tinubu about the United States? That is where the speculation begins; however, it does not end there!

Is President Tinubu deliberately avoiding the United States? Has it got anything to do with the unending controversy and legal battles over the FBI files and Tinubu’s past activities in the United States? He schooled there; he also worked there before returning to Nigeria decades back.

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During the giddy days of the Sani Abacha military dictatorship, the US provided succour and a safe haven for Tinubu and many other pro-democracy activists. What has since changed is the question to ask if the suspicion is that the president is deliberately avoiding the United States.

Or has it got anything to do with the unpredictability of President Trump and the activities of anti-Tinubu politicians here at home and the paid groups doing their bidding in the US? Who dare put anything beyond a president that organized the storming, arrest, and rendition of a sitting foreign leader, hauling him and his wife to the US for trial on drug-related charges, with the country of the leader concerned and the international community as a whole helpless to do anything about it! “What if” then becomes the question should Tinubu set foot on US soil! Is it not better, then, to err on the side of caution?

Another school of thought is that Tinubu’s health might need attention. Unlike in much of the Western world, the secrecy that surrounds the health conditions of Nigerian, nay, African leaders makes it difficult to speak authoritatively on their health conditions.

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And this is not new. Babangida, Abacha, Abdulsalami, Yar’Adua all had rumours swirling around their health conditions while in office. Abacha and Yar’Adua died in office. Buhari spent close to one-third of his tenure shuttling between the country and his doctors in the UK. It has been said, this time around, that Tinubu’s doctors are in France.

With part of his holiday reportedly scheduled to be spent in Charles de Gaulle’s country, could this holiday be another disguised medical tourism? Health is wealth, as they say, and prioritizing one’s health and wellbeing over and above a meeting, no matter how important, can be justified, especially when we have been told that the president can be (adequately?) represented at the UNGA.

Then I asked Google: Is it compulsory that the president lead his country’s delegation to the UNGA? The answer is: No, it is not compulsory for a president or prime minister to lead their country’s delegation to the UNGA.

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Alternatively, the president or prime minister can be represented by the vice president or deputy prime minister, the foreign affairs minister or the country’s permanent representative at the UN who can speak, vote and act on behalf of the country or member-state concerned.

History records that many world leaders have frequently failed to personally attend UNGA due to divergent reasons, such as pressing domestic issues, disasters or local crises needing their personal attention or for health reasons.

Super-power rivalry and politics, and the need to remain non-committal or stay neutral from taking sides on volatile issues have also been known to compel foreign leaders to skip personally attending UNGA.

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When a country’s leader attends the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) in person, it provides several distinct strategic, diplomatic, and political advantages that cannot be replicated through virtual participation or lower-level delegation.

Some of these advantages are: High-level bilateral diplomacy (the “Margin” meetings); spontaneous networking whereby leaders hold informal, face-to-face meetings on the sidelines (the “margins”) of the assembly, allowing them to resolve disputes or advance treaties quickly.

It also affords the opportunity of building rapport. Personal presence helps build trust and personal relationships between heads of state, which can be critical during international crises.

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Other advantages include enhanced global visibility and influence as UNGA gives leaders a global or world stage to operate from.

A speech delivered in person by a head of state commands significantly more international media attention and diplomatic weight than a pre-recorded video or speech read by a representative.

Some world leaders have been noted for setting agendas on issues of national, regional or international importance at UNGA. Leaders can directly pitch their nation’s foreign policy priorities, economic opportunities, or security concerns to a global audience.

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Personal attendance at UNGA also helps to facilitate efficient multilateral engagement or what is called “mini-Summits” among leaders.

Leaders can participate in localized, high-level side events or regional summits (such as G7, BRICS, or regional blocs like the EU and the African Union) that have been known to convene in New York during the UNGA week. When leaders attend UNGA in person, direct access to decision-makers is made possible.

Smaller or developing nations also can seize the opportunity to have direct, unmediated access to leaders of superpower nations as well as heads of major international organizations like the UN itself, the World Bank and IMF. We can go on and on!

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At the level of individual nations, attending UNGA is said to project an image of strength, global respect, and statesmanship to citizens back at home.

Newly-elected leaders especially use UNGA to announce themselves to the international community to garner support and recognition, to state their goals and set agendas as well as make profound statements on their administration’s foreign policy direction.

UNGA also serves as a formal introduction to the international community and signals the leader’s commitment to global cooperation.

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From the above, it is, without doubt, a disadvantage when leaders absent themselves from UNGA. No matter how “powerful” a substitute representation is, it cannot be the same as when the president or prime minister of a country leads it.

There is what is called “bragging rights” among leaders. Presidents prefer to deal with presidents; vice presidents or foreign ministers will be shuffled down the ladder to discuss with their equivalents or counterparts.

The reverse is the case, however, where presidents of less powerful countries queue or consider it a privilege to have an audience with the foreign affairs minister or envoy of powerful countries such as the US, China, Russia, etc.

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One narrative for Tinubu’s recurring absence at UNGA being spinned by his detractors is the fear of the unknown over the FBI files and Tinubu’s alleged past encounter with the US judicial system.

But a man, once tried and acquitted of criminal charges, cannot be tried again on the same offence except fresh evidence pops up that possesses the likelihood of affecting the outcome of the trial in the opposite direction.

Furthermore, can any harm come the way of a visiting president attending UNGA? Or, put more directly and blatantly, can a foreign leader attending UNGA in New York, USA be arrested for any reason whatsoever by the US authorities? The answer is, no; leaders attending UNGA cannot be arrested, charged or tried in the US because they enjoy immunity.

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Under the UN Headquarters Agreement, the United States has an international obligation to allow accredited representatives entry and transit to the UN as well as respect their diplomatic inviolability.

In like manner, no US state, city, local government or county official possesses the legal power to arrest a protected visiting foreign leader.

From the above, it is most unlikely that President Tinubu stands the risk of being arrested in the US if he chooses to personally attend UNGA.

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What may happen is that demonstrators may mass at the UN headquarters venue of UNGA, organize protests and heckle him and his delegation.

That will be embarrassing enough. For sure, it will portray the country in bad light and dent its image – which all Nigerians, including the president’s adversaries, will suffer from.

Also read: Enugu Gov Names Anunobi, Okonkwo as Aides

To avoid such an embarrassment and the deleterious effects it may have on the country’s image appears as the most germane reason why Tinubu has kept away – and may continue to keep sway – from UNGA until, maybe, a more predictable president mounts the saddle in the United States. And the losers? – Nigeria and Nigerians!

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(Published in the TREASURES column on the back page of the NEW TELEGRAPH newspaper edition of Wednesday, 23 September, 2026).

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