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Opinion

Is Iran’s second liberation afoot?

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Iran

By Bola BOLAWOLE

Iran protests crisis deepens as economic hardship and repression threaten the grip of the Ayatollah-led government

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“No army can withstand the strength of an idea whose time has come”- Victor Hugo.

Also read: NFF Confirms No Talks on Super Eagles Coach Chelle

Could Hugo’s assertion be what is happening in Iran as we speak? Has the time come for the Iranian people to liberate themselves a second time within a generation? Having moved from the Shah’s oppression to the Ayatollahs’ repression, are the Iranian people now ready – and, indeed, are on the move – to truly liberate themselves and be free?

Iran’s streets rage with protests in a classic demonstration of the often-stated but hardly-heeded saying that there is a limit to human endurance.

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Leaders everywhere think little of the saying by the iconic United States leader, Abraham Lincoln, that “You can fool all the people some of the time, and some of the people all the time, but you cannot fool all the people all the time.”

Even if you hide under the toga of religion, you cannot fool all the people all the time. The veil, at some point, will be parted! After 47 years of Ayatollah rule, the scales are falling off the eyes of the Iranian people.

Nothing incites us better than our pocket. So, when our pocket speaks, no one needs anyone to urge us into action!

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Hundreds, if not thousands, of protesting Iranians have been mowed down by the repressive Islamic regime; yet, the rage of the people is not abated, as they keep pouring into the streets of major Iranian cities protesting the parlous state of the economy and the repression that the regime has employed for decades to keep the population in bondage.

The cage of religion is broken and the people in their multitudes are escaped from the snares of the fowlers. When will the same cage of religion – employed by both Islamic mullahs and Christian religion preneurs – be similarly broken in Nigeria?

Even if the Ayatollahs escape the ongoing rage of the people, their end may not be far from sight. For one, President Donald Trump has promised the protesters that help is on its way, even as he urged them to keep the pressure on the regime. A panicky Iranian regime is begging for negotiations.

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Besides, no kingdom and no empire lasts forever: Every despot has an expiry date. Like the Shah’s oppressive reign came crashing in 1978/79, despite US support, the reign of the Ayatollahs is also bound to come crashing someday, despite the deceit of religion woven around it.

Why do leaders fail to learn from history, thereby condemning their nations to move in cycles? The same factors that led to the fall of the Shah, propelling the Ayatollahs to victory, are similar to those leading to the collapse of the Islamic Revolution of 1979.

Consider this report, “The Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, was overthrown in the 1978–79 Iranian Revolution due to widespread opposition to his autocratic rule, social injustice, economic mismanagement, and perceived subservience to Western powers.

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Mass protests and strikes paralyzed the country in 1978, leading to his departure in January 1979.

“Key reasons for the Shah’s fall include: Political and social repression (and) authoritarian rule: The Shah’s government was highly autocratic, violating the Iranian constitution and repressing dissent through a powerful and feared secret police, SAVAK. Political parties, trade unions, and independent media were all suppressed.

“Western alignment and perceived puppet status: Many Iranians, from the secular left to the religious right, viewed the Shah as a “puppet” of non-Muslim Western powers, especially the United States and the United Kingdom, due in part to the 1953 CIA-backed coup that had reinstalled (the Shah) as an absolute monarch after he fled the country. His close ties with Israel further fueled this anti-Western sentiment.

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“Disregard for Islamic tradition: The Shah’s aggressive modernization and Westernization programs, known as the “White Revolution”, clashed with Iran’s Shi’a Muslim identity and traditional conservative values, alienating many, especially the clergy. A controversial decision in 1976 to change the Islamic calendar to an imperial one was seen as a major insult to religious identity.

“Corruption and elitism: There was a widespread perception of extravagance and corruption within the royal court and ruling elite, which grew resentment among the general populace, including the poor and middle classes.

“Economic difficulties: Unequal distribution of wealth: Despite a rapidly-expanding economy and a windfall in oil revenues after 1973, many Iranians felt that the wealth primarily benefited the elite.

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“Economic instability: The overly ambitious economic programs and a subsequent sharp economic contraction in 1977-1978, along with bottlenecks, inflation, and austerity measures, caused widespread disappointment and anger.

“Strikes: By late 1978, mass strikes by government and oil workers brought the economy to a halt, a critical turning point that paralyzed the country and weakened the regime.

“Rise of Ayatollah Khomeini and opposition unity: Khomeini’s leadership: The exiled cleric Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini emerged as a charismatic and unifying figure for the diverse opposition movements, which included left-wing, nationalist, and intellectual allies.

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His messages, smuggled into Iran on thousands of cassette tapes, resonated with a broad spectrum of the population.

“Martyrdom cycle: A Shi’a tradition of commemorating the dead 40 days after their death led to a cycle of escalating protests and mass mobilization throughout 1978, strengthening the anti-Shah movement.

“Military’s neutrality: In the revolution’s final days, the Iranian armed forces declared their ‘neutrality’ on February 11, 1979, effectively removing the last pillar of support for the Shah’s regime and allowing the revolutionaries to take control.

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“Ultimately, a combination of these deep-seated grievances, the Shah’s terminal illness (a secret at the time) which contributed to his indecision, the withdrawal of Western support under the (US President Jimmy) Carter administration’s human rights policy, and the organized, unified opposition under Khomeini created a ‘perfect storm’ that led to the collapse of the monarchy.”

Repression, religion and anti-American sentiments played pivotal roles in the Shah’s collapse. Riding on the crest of both to power, the Ayatollahs appear to have unduly overplayed their cards. Now, let us listen to a report of the factors leading to the Ayatollahs own collapse:

“Iran’s economy has been primarily damaged by a combination of international sanctions, chronic economic mismanagement and corruption, and an over-reliance on oil revenues.

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“Key factors include international sanctions: Decades of strict sanctions imposed by the U.S. and other nations over Iran’s nuclear program, regional activities, and human rights record have been a major cause of the economic crisis.

These sanctions have severely restricted Iran’s access to global financial markets and crippled its ability to export oil, historically the cornerstone of government revenue.

“Economic mismanagement and corruption: Internal issues such as persistent government budget deficits, a lack of productivity, and widespread corruption have undermined the economy.

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Government-controlled corporations, including those linked to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), often operate inefficiently, crowd out the private sector, and benefit from preferential access to resources.

“Oil dependence: Iran has been heavily dependent on oil revenues for its annual budget, making its economy highly vulnerable to fluctuations in market prices and international pressure. The inability to consistently export oil has led to severe revenue losses and fiscal instability.

“Currency devaluation and inflation: The rial (Iran’s official currency) has lost significant value over the years, leading to hyperinflation and eroding the purchasing power of Iranian citizens.

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This makes basic goods and services unaffordable for many and has pushed a large segment of the middle class into poverty.

“Energy crisis: Poor maintenance, aging equipment, and energy price subsidies that encourage waste have resulted in a systemic energy crisis, including frequent power outages and a bottleneck on industrial production capability.

“Foreign military involvement: Significant financial resources are allocated to regional interventions and supporting allies abroad, which critics argue compete with domestic social welfare and infrastructure development needs.

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“Brain drain: The lack of economic opportunities, political instability, and human rights issues have led to the emigration of millions of highly educated professionals, resulting in a substantial loss of human capital and potential for innovation and growth.”

From the above, it can be deduced that a major problem of the Ayatollahs was their foreign policy or national interest decisions.

They moved from an extreme pro-West position to a truculent anti-West posturing, unable to find a lasting accommodation with the West since 1979. They vow the destruction of the Jewish state of Israel.

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They seek nuclear weapons at all costs. They support radical Islam all over the place, even antagonising moderate Islamic states to the bargain.

Iran and Iraq fought a gruelling eight-year war that drained both nations and served the interests of their collective enemies while setting the two combatants back by many decades.

Crippling sanctions imposed by the US-led Western coalition have dealt crippling damage on Iran’s economy, denying it of resources needed for national development.

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Of course, there is the scourge of corruption and mismanagement. In the midst of all of these, iron-hand rule soon replaced the support freely given by the people.

Most, if not all, of the above factors must sound familiar to Nigerians. Every politics, as they say, is local.

Whatever politics a nation plays at the international level must not be allowed to have a telling effect on the local population.

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Unmitigated corruption, insensitivity of leaders, undue dependence on oil revenues, incessant power outages leading to declining productivity and high unemployment rate, unbearable cost of living engineered in the main by a steeply devalued currency – all these are no citizen’s friends. Patriotism cannot be successfully preached to an empty stomach.

Also read: CAN Chief Condemns Kaduna Church Abductions

Therefore, Nigerian leaders – and people – have a lot to learn from what is unravelling in Iran.

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Opinion

Tegbe’s 24-Hour Energy Zones and the Shift From Megawatts to Money

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Tegbe

 By Sufuyan Ojeifo,

There is a point at which a country’s electricity problem ceases to be merely an electricity problem. It becomes a problem of economic geography.

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Also read: Everton Celebrates Nigeria’s 66th Independence With Football Legends

Where can factories operate with confidence? Where can businesses plan beyond the next appearance of a generator? Where can hospitals, schools, technology companies, markets and households begin to organise their lives around the reasonable expectation that electricity will be there?

This is the thinking behind the latest initiative from the Minister of Power, Joseph Tegbe, to develop what the Federal Government calls Energy Zones – defined corridors where homes, businesses and industries could receive stable, 24-hour electricity.

The proposed zones cover the Lagos axis, the Abuja-Kaduna-Kano corridor and the Enugu-Port Harcourt corridor. Tegbe’s latest move is a meeting with selected electricity distribution companies to begin working through what it would take to make the idea real.

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At first glance, it sounds like another promise of uninterrupted electricity in a country that has heard too many such promises. However, there is something more consequential in the architecture of the proposal.

Tegbe is asking Nigerians to look at the power problem differently.

For years, the national conversation has been dominated by generation. How many megawatts are being produced? How much can the transmission grid carry? How many generating plants are working? These are important questions. But electricity does not become useful simply because it has been generated.

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It must travel. It must be received. It must be distributed. And ultimately, somebody must be able to use it. That last part has often been treated as the end of the conversation when, in reality, it is where the economic value of electricity begins.

Tegbe has put the point plainly. The constraint is not limited to generation and transmission; it also includes how much electricity can be taken up and delivered at the distribution end.

The proposed Energy Zones are intended to address precisely that gap while improving commercial demand and the revenue performance of the distribution companies.

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There is an important idea here.

Nigeria does not necessarily have to wait for every weakness in the electricity value chain to be solved simultaneously before beginning to create pockets of reliability.

A country of more than 200 million people, with enormous differences in industrial activity, population density and commercial demand, may have to proceed through carefully selected economic corridors while the wider system is repaired.

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This is not an argument for abandoning the national grid. It is an argument for making the grid more economically purposeful.

The three corridors selected by the Ministry are revealing. Lagos and its adjoining industrial axis represent perhaps the country’s most concentrated commercial and industrial demand.

The Abuja-Kaduna-Kano corridor connects the political capital with major commercial and industrial centres in the North. Enugu-Port Harcourt links important commercial, manufacturing and energy-producing communities in the South-East and South-South.

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These are not simply lines on a power map. They are lines on Nigeria’s economic map. That distinction matters.

For too long, Nigerians have experienced electricity largely as a household inconvenience. The light goes off. The generator comes on. A business buys diesel. A manufacturer factors self-generation into production costs. A hospital makes contingency arrangements.

A young entrepreneur learns, often painfully, that the real price of electricity is not what appears on the bill but what it costs to keep the business alive when the supply fails.

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A reliable electricity corridor changes that equation.

If a factory knows that a particular industrial cluster has dependable power, investment decisions begin to change.

If a commercial district can plan around predictable electricity, operating costs become easier to manage.

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If businesses can depend on supply for most of the day, generators can move from being the first line of defence to being what they were always supposed to be: backup.

This is where Tegbe’s technocratic instincts may prove significant.

His background is not that of a career power-sector operator. His professional experience has largely been in consulting, fiscal and economic reform, institutional transformation and advisory work. That background has been visible in his early approach to the ministry – diagnosis, audits, financial questions, infrastructure bottlenecks, and attempts to identify where one part of the system is preventing another from functioning properly.

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His Energy Zones proposal fits that pattern. It treats the electricity market less as a single machine waiting for one dramatic repair and more as a system of interconnected constraints that can be isolated, diagnosed and addressed.

Tegbe had already identified the three corridors as priorities for grid stabilisation, with technical audits intended to establish the condition of critical infrastructure. The latest engagement with DisCos suggests that the idea is now moving beyond technical diagnosis towards the more difficult question of how distribution will work within those corridors.

That is where the hard work begins.

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A 24-hour power zone cannot be created by a press statement. It requires generation that is available when needed, transmission capacity that can carry it, distribution infrastructure capable of receiving it, transformers and feeders that can withstand the load, metering that properly captures consumption, customers willing and able to pay, and a commercial structure in which the various participants have an incentive to keep the system working.

It also requires protection. Vandalism and energy theft do not respect administrative boundaries. Neither do faulty equipment, unpaid bills or poor collection practices. Tegbe himself has acknowledged that the sector’s problems reinforce one another. Weak collections affect the market. Market weakness affects maintenance and gas payments. Unreliable supply in turn depresses collections.

This is why the Energy Zone experiment, if it is to succeed, must be judged by more than the number of hours electricity is available.

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The real test will be whether reliability begins to produce economic consequences. Does industrial output increase? Do businesses spend less on self-generation? Does investment respond? Do DisCos collect more because customers are receiving a service they can trust? Does the government recover enough value from improved commercial activity to justify further infrastructure investment?

Those are the questions that should eventually accompany the glossy language of 24-hour power.

And there is another question that Tegbe and the Federal Government will have to confront: what happens outside the zones?

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Nigeria cannot become a collection of electrically privileged corridors surrounded by communities waiting indefinitely for their turn.

The logic of concentrating investment in high-demand areas can be defended economically, especially if the resulting commercial activity strengthens the wider electricity market.

But the strategy will ultimately have to demonstrate how successful zones become stepping stones towards broader reliability.

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That is the difference between an experiment and a system.

There is also a danger in admiring the architecture of reform from the comfort of an office.

It has to be said here that the statement issued by the minister’s media aide was long on ambition and conspicuously short on the details that matter. No timeline. No capacity targets. No specific investment figures. It is the kind of announcement that has, historically, been the precursor to nothing at all.

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So Nigerians should watch the idea with interest, but also with the healthy scepticism that comes from decades of promises about electricity.

The minister deserves a measure of credit for at least diagnosing an important part of the illness.

For once, the conversation has shifted from the head to the feet – from generation to distribution, from megawatts to money.

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At the same time, the Nigerian people have been given blueprints before. They have learned to admire the drawings while the building crumbles.

The Energy Zones remain a proposal. The government has not yet announced the detailed capacity requirements, implementation timetable or precise infrastructure investments that would make 24-hour supply possible.

That is not necessarily a fatal flaw. It may simply mean the idea is still being worked out.

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But it does mean that the language of 24-hour power should be treated as an aspiration until it is matched by the machinery of implementation.

Yet the proposal deserves attention because it reflects a potentially important shift in the way the power problem is being conceived.

Nigeria may not fix its electricity crisis in one heroic sweep. It may have to build reliability corridor by corridor, demand centre by demand centre, and economic cluster by economic cluster.

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There is nothing inherently glamorous about such work. It is engineering, finance, regulation, distribution and relentless attention to the weak link in the chain. But perhaps that is precisely the point.

The country has spent decades waiting for the great national electricity breakthrough.

Tegbe’s emerging approach suggests something less dramatic and potentially more practical: make a few economically critical parts of the system work properly, learn from them, strengthen the model, and expand it.

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The success of that approach will ultimately be measured not in speeches or megawatts, but in what Nigerians can do with the electricity when it arrives.

Does the factory run a second shift? Does the business hire more workers? Does the hospital keep its equipment running through the night? Does the young entrepreneur stop budgeting for diesel and start budgeting for growth?

Also read: Everton Celebrates Nigeria’s 66th Independence With Football Legends

That is where the real power story begins. And that is the standard against which Tegbe’s Energy Zones should ultimately be judged: not by whether 24-hour power sounds impressive in a press release, but by whether the lights stay on long enough for Nigerians to build something with them.

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