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A laughing stock called party primaries…

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APC Internal Democracy comes under scrutiny as a commentary questions party primaries and electoral credibility in Nigeria

By Bola BOLAWOLE

A friend and an avid reader of my columns, who is also a professor in one of the country’s first-generation universities, asked if I could publish what you are about to read. I promised him I would take a look at it.

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Also read:

Titled “APC political yoyo” and authored by one Haruna Badamasi writing from Ile-Ife in Osun state, it is a sarcastic commentary on the recently-concluded party primaries of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

Judging from the authorship, my friend might not have been the writer, except he had chosen to use a pen name, but reading through the piece, I saw that it spoke to our present situation and, therefore, I decided to publish it.

The views expressed therein are not entirely mine and the “Bola” mentioned there is also not my own “Bola”. When we return, I will make parting comments as usual. Enjoy it:

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“The rain had just stopped when two friends, Tunde and Bola, settled into their usual corner at Mama Sade’s makeshift canteen. The television hanging above the drinks’ refrigerator was loud enough to compete with the noisy generators outside. Every station carried the same breaking news: The APC party primary election had produced unexpected winners across the country.

Unexpected because, according to nearly everyone who (had) followed the process, the announced winners appeared to have lost magnificently. Imagine someone who scored 10,000 votes losing to another with 1000 votes!

Tunde stared at the screen with the confusion of a man trying to solve advanced calculus without numbers.

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“My brother, how can someone understand what happened? Yesterday at the collation venue, a candidate was leading with enough votes that stood him out as the winner. This morning the candidate trailing him has become the flag bearer of the party. Were there other votes from elsewhere that were added after we slept?”

Bola nearly spilled his beer laughing. “You still believe elections end when votes are counted? You are naive.”

“But they showed the delegates queuing behind their candidates on television!”

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“Yes.”

“They announced the figures!”

“Yes.”

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“They even interviewed the candidate that had the highest number of votes as the winner!”

“Yes.”

Tunde spread his hands dramatically. “Then, how did the candidate trailing become the chosen?”

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Bola leaned forward like a lecturer about to explain a complicated theory in political science.

“You are looking at politics with ordinary eyes. What happened is what experts now call APC Political Yoyo.”

“Political what?”

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“Yoyo. It is like playing with a toy that has no capacity to determine its stability in the sky. It goes up, it comes down, then, suddenly, it flies sideways and hits somebody that was not involved.”

Tunde burst into laughter!

“No, seriously,” Bola continued. “In normal democracy, whoever gets the highest votes wins. But in our own advanced political technology, winning is only the first stage. After that comes consultation, reconciliation, alignment, realignment, strategic harmonization, and, finally, supernatural arithmetic.”

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Tunde nodded slowly. “Ah! So votes are just opening ceremonies.”

“Exactly.”

The television presenter interrupted with a dramatic tone. ‘Party stakeholders have reaffirmed their commitment to transparency and internal democracy…’

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Both men laughed so hard that nearby customers turned to look at them!

“Transparency?” Tunde said between laughs. “This transparency is powerful. The real winner became invisible immediately.”

“My friend,” Bola replied, “it is the kind of transparency where everybody sees what happened but nobody is allowed to say it.”

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Tunde lowered his voice. “What pains me most is that the winning candidate (has) already celebrated. I saw supporters dancing. They even printed congratulatory posters overnight.”

“Very dangerous mistake,” Bola said solemnly. “In Nigerian politics, never celebrate too early. Before morning, your victory can develop technical issues.”

“Technical issues?”

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“Yes. Missing documents. Signature mismatch. Party supremacy. Consensus agreement. Invisible committee recommendations, inconclusive (election). There are many diseases that attack victory in this country.”

Tunde laughed again.

“And look at the delegates,” he added. “Yesterday they were singing one man’s praises. Today they are carrying another man on their shoulders.”

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Bola shrugged. “Delegates are loyal professionals. Their loyalty follows the direction of survival.”

The canteen owner increased the television volume as another analyst appeared on screen: ‘The outcome reflects the maturity of the party’s democratic institutions,’ the analyst declared confidently.

Tunde almost choked on his drink.

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“Maturity? If this democracy matures any further, it may retire completely!”

Bola smiled. “You must admire the creativity, though. In other countries, politicians rig quietly. In Nigeria, they rig with motivational speeches.”

For a moment the two men watched silently as clips from the primary election (were) played on screen: Delegates cheering, party officials waving documents, security officers pushing crowds aside.

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Then Tunde sighed!

“You know what amazes me? Ordinary Nigerians still queue under the sun believing votes matter!”

“My friend,” Bola replied, “votes matter very much. They matter especially during press conferences.”

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“So what really determines the winner?”

Bola counted on his fingers.

“Powerful godfathers. Close-door meetings. Emergency consultations. Last-minute alliances. Political debts. Fear. Ambition. Deep pockets. And, occasionally, if there is enough time left, votes.”

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A nearby customer burst into laughter after overhearing the conversation.

Tunde shook his head again.

“At this point,” he said, “politics in this country is like football where the referee announces the final score two days later from his living room!”

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“Wrong,” Bola corrected him. “Football is more organized. At least players know when the match has ended.”

The television now showed the victorious candidate addressing supporters: ‘This victory belongs to all party members,’ the politician declared.

“Yes,” Bola muttered sarcastically. “Especially the members who voted against him!”

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The canteen erupted in scattered laughter.

Tunde looked thoughtful for a moment.

“Do you realize,” he said slowly, “that (during) every election season, we hear the same grammar? Internal democracy. Level playing field. Unity. Due process.”

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“Those are ceremonial words,” Bola replied. “Like decoration on a wedding cake. Beautiful to look at, but not the actual food.”

Another news alert flashed across the screen: ‘Party leadership urges aggrieved aspirants to accept the outcome in the interest of peace.’

“There!” Bola exclaimed, pointing at the television. “That sentence always comes after somebody has been politically kidnapped.”

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Tunde nodded knowingly.

“And the funniest part is that, tomorrow, everybody will gather again, smiling for photographs.”

“Of course,” Bola said. “Politics has no permanent enemies, only temporary microphones.”

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Evening traffic thickened outside. Horns blared endlessly while the generator coughed like an old smoker.

Tunde finished the last of his drinks and leaned back.

“So tell me honestly,” he asked quietly. “Who actually won this primary?”

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Bola smiled with the calm wisdom of a man who had watched too many election cycles.

“The usual winners.”

“The politicians?”

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“No,” Bola replied. “The people who never appeared on the ballot, who never campaigned, and who never stood under the sun asking for votes.”

Tunde frowned. “Then what was the point of the primary election?”

Bola stood up, dropped money on the table and adjusted his shirt.

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“My friend,” he said with a grin, “in this country, elections are sometimes like cinema trailers. The real movie happens behind closed doors.”

As both men walked away from the canteen, the television continued celebrating the triumph of democracy – in the Nigerian style…

Bola shook his head “I hope the APC is not demonstrating the symptoms of Egbekegbe in the words of Fela Anikulapo!”.

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And the two friends disappeared into the dark night!”

Welcome back! What the writer is saying is that there is no internal democracy in the political parties. Although he zeroed-in on APC, the same malaise plagues the other political parties.

Like we have said over and over again, the political parties are the different fingers of the same leprous hand and birds of a feather.

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The difference between them is like that between six and half-a-dozen; between half-full and half-empty.

The inference from this is that political parties that do not allow free and fair elections within their own political parties cannot be expected to subscribe to credible elections between political parties.

So, elections will always be rigged because politicians that rig elections within their own parties will also rig elections against political party opponents.

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Therefore, there is nothing INEC can do to stop election rigging by rogue politicians. All INEC efforts – BIVAS, BIMODAL, ELECTRONIC OR WHAT-HAVE-YOU – will always amount to nothing and all the resources committed to the conduct of elections will end up a waste.

Again, party members that do not see anything wrong in the subversion of internal democracy within their own parties; who cannot stand for, and defend credible elections within their own parties cannot be expected to do so in national elections.

The credibility of elections is compromised right from the moment internal democracy is compromised within the political parties. And this cuts across the board. Pray, are there any party primaries that have not been dogged by allegations of imposition and rigging?

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Both the leadership and followership of the political parties are ideologically barren, morally decadent, and intellectually deficient and obtuse – a malaise much of the entire populace has been infected with wily-nily.

For, as Marx and Engel posit, “The ideas of the ruling class are, in every epoch, the ruling ideas; meaning that the class which is the ruling material force of society is at the same time its ruling intellectual force.” (Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in “The German Ideology”, 1845).

Contrary to arguments or expectations about who is president and who is not, the rot is systemic.

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Also read:

Every corrupt, inept, decadent, compromised, and morally depraved ruling class must be done away with before the society as a whole can heave a sigh of relief and the people begin to enjoy the dividends of democracy.

(Published in the TREASURES column on the back page of the New Telegraph newspaper edition of Wednesday 3 June, 2026).

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Opinion

Beware of 2027 election false prophets and political delusion

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Why the Opposition May Lose Again – Not Because President Bola Ahmed Tinubu Is Unbeatable, but Because His Opponents Are Unprepared

 

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By Nosa Osaikhuiwu,

There is a dangerous political delusion taking hold in Nigeria ahead of the 2027 presidential election: the belief that because millions of Nigerians are unhappy with the government, the opposition will automatically defeat President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

Also read: APC Reaffirms Yayi Amid Ogun Ticket Dispute

That assumption could prove to be one of the opposition’s biggest mistakes. There is another narrative that has become almost unquestionable in some political circles: that the opposition actually won the 2023 presidential election and that its victory was stolen.

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I do not subscribe to that narrative, because the conclusions are baseless without empirical data, unsubstantiated and unfounded.

Let me state my position clearly. I am not an APC supporter, nor am I a supporter of any political party in Nigeria. My position is based on political realities and my commitment to good governance, culture change, ethical transformation and a better Nigeria.

I believe Nigerians must learn to distinguish between what we wish had happened and what actually happened. Because as the saying goes “if wishes were horses baggers will ride all day”.

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THE 2023 ELECTION: POLITICAL MATHEMATICS MATTERED

The 2023 presidential election was fundamentally different from the elections that preceded it because Nigeria’s traditional two-party political contest was disrupted by the emergence of Peter Obi and the Labor Party as a major electoral force.

Before Peter Obi left the PDP, the presidential contest was largely expected to be between the PDP and APC. Then the equation changed.

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Peter Obi left the PDP and joined the Labor Party. His candidacy captured the imagination of millions of Nigerians, particularly young people and voters who wanted a fundamental change in the political system.

But there was an important consequence that many people appear unwilling to acknowledge: The opposition vote was divided. 

A substantial portion of the electorate that might otherwise have supported the PDP moved toward Labor. This move was a game changer for the political and electoral landscape.

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It transformed what could have been essentially a two-way contest into a three-way presidential election. This was not a minor development. It changed the mathematical calculus of the election.

The APC entered the election as the incumbent governing party, with the enormous political advantages that come with incumbency and an established national political structure.

The PDP had its own extensive national structure, but it was weakened by internal divisions and the emergence of the Labor Party.

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The Labor Party, meanwhile, generated enormous enthusiasm but did not possess the national political structure of either the APC or PDP.

The electoral outcome was predictable from a political-mathematical standpoint. The opposition was divided. The APC was sufficiently consolidated. Consequently, the APC won.

That conclusion does not require anyone to be an APC supporter. It requires only an honest examination of the political circumstances surrounding the election.

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WAS THE 2023 ELECTION PERFECT?

An unbiased and responsible review of the 2023 presidential elections will acknowledge that it was not perfect. Frankly, there are no perfect elections anywhere in the world.

There were controversies, alleged irregularities and unverified claims of record manipulation during the election.

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But we must distinguish between two different arguments. The first is that the election contained irregularities. The second is that those irregularities were sufficient to change the final outcome.

The first proposition is not particularly controversial. The second requires credible evidence to substantiate the claims made.

An election does not become automatically invalid simply because irregularities occurred. Elections around the world experience administrative failures, logistical problems, disputes, allegations of malpractice and other imperfections.

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The relevant question is whether those problems were sufficient to change the outcome. That is where political argument must give way to evidence.

The more important lesson from 2023, therefore, is not that somebody “stole” an election that was already won.

The more important lesson is that a divided opposition made it easier for the incumbent party to win. And that lesson is extremely relevant to 2027.

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TINUBU’S BIGGEST ADVANTAGE MAY BE THE OPPOSITION

Let us be brutally honest. President Tinubu’s administration has significant economic and political challenges. Inflation, rising cost of living, unemployment, insecurity, hardship and declining purchasing power have created genuine pain for millions of Nigerians.

The government’s economic reforms may have been motivated by legitimate concerns about the sustainability of Nigeria’s economy.

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But good intentions do not exempt a government from performance evaluation. Government must ultimately be judged by results.

If Nigerians were voting exclusively on economic performance, the APC would have plenty to worry about.

But elections are not mathematics based solely on economic indicators. They are political contests. And politics is about organization, structure, messaging, coalition-building, voter mobilization and the ability to convert public sentiment into votes. This is where the opposition is making a potentially catastrophic mistake.

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The opposition appears to believe that dissatisfaction with Tinubu is equivalent to support for the opposition.

It is not. Millions of Nigerians can be unhappy with the APC and still refuse to vote for an opposition party. Millions can complain about the economy and still have no confidence in the alternative. Millions can criticize Tinubu and still ask:

“Who exactly are you bringing to replace him?”

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That is the question the opposition has yet to answer convincingly.

SOCIAL MEDIA IS NOT THE BALLOT BOX

One of the greatest political illusions of modern Nigeria is the belief that social-media popularity represents electoral strength. It does not. A politician can dominate Facebook, X, Tik-Tok or YouTube and still lose an election. Why? Because elections are not won by likes, reposts, hashtags, viral videos, but are won by voters going to the polls and making choices known.

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They are won by organizing voters geographically from ward level, communities to their polling units by having a ground game that actively engages local leaders, traditional institutions, religious institutions, professional associations, youth organizations and community networks to ensure they deliver their votes. The party that understands this reality will have an enormous advantage.

The opposition cannot spend the next year fighting political battles on the internet while the APC builds and maintains political structures across the country.

The internet can amplify a political movement. It cannot substitute for a political organization.

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THREE THINGS THE OPPOSITION MUST DO

If the opposition genuinely wants to defeat the APC in 2027, it must act now.

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  1. CONSOLIDATE

The opposition parties need to stop pretending that each one can independently defeat the APC. PDP, Labor, ADC and other opposition forces must seriously consider forming a genuine political coalition or adopting a common platform.

The objective cannot simply be “anything but Tinubu.”

That is not enough. Nigeria needs an alternative government, not merely an anti-Tinubu movement.

The coalition must develop a credible economic, security, educational, industrial and governance agenda. It must tell Nigerians exactly what it intends to do differently.

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  1. PRESENT ONE CANDIDATE

This may be the most important issue of all. The opposition cannot repeat 2023. If multiple opposition candidates enter the presidential race and divide the anti-APC vote again, they may once again hand the election to the incumbent.

One presidential candidate.

One national platform.

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One coherent message.

One campaign structure.

One political strategy.

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That is the only realistic pathway toward transforming widespread dissatisfaction into an electoral majority.

The process of choosing that candidate must not become another ethnic or regional contest. Nigeria needs a candidate who can build a national coalition.

A candidate who can win in the North.

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A candidate who can win in the South.

A candidate who can appeal to Christians and Muslims.

A candidate who can appeal to young and old.

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A candidate who can convince Nigerians that the alternative government will be competent, ethical and capable.

 

  1. TAKE THE CAMPAIGN TO THE STREETS

The opposition must get off the internet.

Go to the communities.

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Go to the wards.

Go to the villages.

Go to the markets.

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Go to the universities.

Go to the workplaces.

Talk to farmers.

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Talk to traders.

Talk to artisans.

Talk to young people.

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Talk to women.

Talk to professionals.

Talk to people who have never posted a political message on social media.

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Most importantly, listen to them. A political party cannot build a national movement by speaking only to people who already agree with it. It must persuade people who are undecided. That is how elections are won.

 

STOP BLAMING THE REFEREE

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There is a deeper cultural problem that Nigeria must confront.

We have developed an extraordinary culture of avoiding responsibility. A student fails an examination and blames the teacher.

A football team loses and blames the referee.

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A driver causes an accident and blames the devil.

A politician loses an election and immediately claims that the election was stolen.

Sometimes those accusations are justified.

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But not always.

Sometimes we simply failed.

Sometimes we were not prepared.

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Sometimes our opponent was better organized.

Sometimes our strategy was poor.

Sometimes our candidate was not popular enough.

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Sometimes we did not have enough votes.

There is nothing undignified about acknowledging defeat.

 

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In fact, the ability to honestly analyze failure is one of the foundations of ethical leadership.

 

Nigeria cannot build a culture of accountability while politicians refuse to accept responsibility for their own strategic failures.

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If the opposition loses in 2027, it should not automatically blame INEC, the APC, the judiciary, technology, vote buying or electoral manipulation.

It should first ask:

Did we do everything necessary to win?

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Did we have the structure?

Did we mobilize the voters?

Did we have one candidate?

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Did we have a credible message?

Did we build a national coalition?

Did we protect our votes?

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Did we understand the political terrain?

Did we actually convince undecided voters?

If the answer to these questions is no, then perhaps the problem was not simply the election.

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Perhaps the problem was the opposition.

 

2027 IS NOT YET A FOREGONE CONCLUSION

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Let me be clear: I am not predicting that President Tinubu will certainly win the 2027 election.

No responsible political analyst should make that claim at this stage.

Elections can change dramatically.

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Political alliances can collapse.

New movements can emerge.

Economic conditions can change.

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A powerful opposition coalition can alter the entire political equation.

But based on the political structure that exists today, the APC has a significant advantage.

And if the opposition continues to operate as it did in 2023, fragmented, internally divided and without a single national candidate, it could lose again.

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Not necessarily because Tinubu’s government has performed exceptionally well. Not necessarily because Nigerians are satisfied.

But because the alternative has failed to organize itself sufficiently to take power. That is the uncomfortable truth many opposition politicians and the supporters do not want to hear.

 

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THE FALSE PROPHETS ARE COMING

As 2027 approaches, Nigerians should expect a flood of political predictions. Some will tell you that the opposition has already won. Some will tell you that a particular candidate is “unstoppable.”

Those in the faith arena proclaim from the roof top that God has revealed the winner to them and that a candidate in the opposition rank or the incumbent president is the one chosen by God.

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Others will interpret social-media trends as evidence of an inevitable electoral victory.

Some will publish elaborate electoral maps based on nothing more than wishful thinking. Many will blame every political setback on conspiracy.

Nigerians must be careful.

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Political prophecy is not political strategy.

A viral video is not an election.

A poll is not an election.

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A political rally is not an election.

A crowd is not an election.

An angry population is not automatically an opposition electorate.

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The only thing that ultimately matters is whether a political organization can convert public sentiment into votes.

NIGERIA NEEDS A COMPETENT OPPOSITION

I want the opposition to compete, not because I support any particular political party, but because democracy requires a credible alternative.

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A healthy democracy needs a government that knows it can be challenged.

It needs an opposition that can scrutinize government policies.

It needs political parties that can present alternative economic policies.

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It needs leaders who can accept responsibility.

It needs citizens who can distinguish facts from political propaganda.

Most importantly, Nigeria needs a political culture in which elections are contests of ideas, competence and character rather than ethnic calculations, religious mobilization and personality cults.

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The opposition still has time.

But it must wake up.

Stop fighting one another.

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Stop living on social media.

Stop waiting for the APC to collapse.

Stop assuming economic hardship automatically translates into opposition votes.

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Stop telling Nigerians that you already won an election you did not win.

Stop blaming everyone else.

Organize. Consolidate. Choose one candidate. Build a national coalition. Develop a credible alternative agenda. Go to the grassroots. Mobilize voters. Protect the votes.

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Then compete.

If the opposition does that and still loses, it will at least have earned the right to demand a serious examination of the electoral process.

But if it refuses to do the work and loses again, Nigerians should not be surprised.

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Also read: APC Reaffirms Yayi Amid Ogun Ticket Dispute

The APC may win, not because it is unbeatable, but because its opponents were unwilling or unable to become a credible alternative. That would be the greatest tragedy of all. Because Nigeria does not merely need a new government.

Nigeria needs a better political culture.

And that culture change must begin with accepting one simple principle:

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If you want to win, prepare to win.

Anything less is political delusion.

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